By selling, working, playing, socializing and relaxing in the space around their homes, the working-class Latinos of East LA have developed a residential vernacular that represents their struggles, triumphs and everyday habits. Latino residents bring a unique and often over- looked perspective to the U.S. suburban form. The Latin American ciudades, pueblos and rancheros from which many of East Los Angeles' Latino residents come are physically designed and socially structured differently than their new commu- nities in the United States. By adopting technology and adjusting their cultural behavior patterns, Latino residents appropriate and retrofit their neighborhoods to suit their needs. This is illustrated in their use of urban space. Few signs or landmarks reveal the location of the barrios of East Los Angeles. Visitors know when they have arrived from the crowds of people in public spaces-the trademark of East LA. Latino residents seem to spring forth from the asphalt, communing on streets, corners, sidewalks, front yards, as well as marginal places like parking lots and alleys. Street vendors flow in and out of commercial and residential areas, attracting crowds wherever they go. A typical house in the barrio resembles any other house in Los Angeles, but what sets the barrio apart is the appearance of the overall community, which is distinguished by the residents' use of the space around their homes. By selling, working, playing, socializing and relaxing in these outdoor spaces, resi- dents create a spontaneous, dynamic and animated urban landscape unlike any other in Los Angeles. Rather than isolating neighbors as in other LA com- munities, the streets, front yards, driveways and other spaces around the homes typically bring neighbors together. James Thomas Rojas is currently in Hungary as a member of the Peace Corps. This article is based on research conducted for his master's thesis in architecture and city planning at MIT, and is reprinted from the Spring/Summer 1994 issue of Design Book Review with the permission of MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachussetts. Moveable props, such as tables and chairs, allow Latinos to control outdoor space by giving them flexi- bility and freedom over their environment. Props can be moved from indoors to outdoors, as well as allow for permanent or temporary "personalization" in pub- lic space. These items create a sense of security in a place by acting as territorial markers. Like furniture in a room, props on the street connect the user to the open urban space. A pushcart selling ice cream cap- tures a fleeting moment of social exchange between children. A sofa under a tree or on a porch provides some respite for residents from the afternoon sun, while a barbecue pit may generate both revenue and neighborhood gossip. In the barrios of East LA, props are symbols of place. They can be smelled, tasted, seen, heard and felt, particularly on the weekends: the aroma of roast- ing ears of corn, the taste of tangy, fresh-cut pineapple and chili powder, the sight of colorful displays of trin- kets, and the sound of laughter and music which encourages people to sway to the rhythm of the barrio. Whether the costumed mariachis, who walk from bar to restaurant singing songs for a few dollars, or the car stereos blaring banda (Mexican country music) or disco, music adds a rich, intense ambience to the sub- urban landscape of East LA. Entire function-specific buildings are transformed with the use of props alone, or with only minor changes made to the structures. For example, some gas stations have been converted into taco stands. Wrought-iron canopies are sometimes added to enclose some of the open space. Pumps are replaced by an arrangement of tables and chairs that is as for- mal as that of any European outdoor cafe. Patrons have direct visual access to the street, thus reinforcing street activity. The building's new function is expressed with minimal retrofitting; props and people create the atmosphere. 32 N4CLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS NACIA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 32URBAN REPORT Like the abandoned gas station-a relic of the machine age-the automobile, too, has been integrat- ed into the neighborhood's fabric to reflect Latino cul- tural values. Latinos use the automobile for social interaction by cruising the streets and other areas where young people congregate. In Latin America, this sort of social mingling occurs on walks through the plazas. The absence of plazas in LA forces Latinos to drive instead of making the traditional paseo, or walk. Latino males-like their white counterparts-are fascinated with automobiles. They are passionate about their hobby, spending much money and time with their car-club buddies, either on the streets or in garages where they customize their cars. The classic "bombs" (cars from the 1940s and 1950s), and sedans Neighbors congregate on an East LA street. and Chevy low-riders of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s have given way in recent years to smaller cars and mini-trucks and a new breed of low-rider. The chrome rims and simple paraphernalia that characterized low- riders in the past have been replaced with elaborate details, such as hand-painted illustrations, gold-plated hydraulic scissor lifts, suicide doors, Porsche rims, and technological innovations. Drivers of low-riders are no longer just teenagers, as was formerly the case, but adult Latinos in their twenties, who have higher incomes. It can cost thousands of dollars to customize a car today. Cruising is still popular among teenagers, but many of today's embellished low-riders rarely meet the asphalt, or are driven only at night when there is no traffic because one pebble can ruin an expensive custom paint job. Many of these low-riders are seen at monthly car shows held throughout the Southland, which cater primarily to a young Latino crowd. Customized cars of every color, make and model are displayed in orderly rows. Each car reflects all the reverence and attention to detail one would find in a Latino church altar. Trophies, teddy bears, champagne glasses, Mexican flags, and other items enhance the low-rid- ers. Chrome engines, pink velvet interiors, water- filled doors are just a few of the elaborate elements that illustrate the tactile genius and imagination of Latino car owners. Like at a rodeo, crowds gather to watch low-riders hop, or "dance," with hydraulic lifts to record-break- ing heights. The latest craze, bed dancing, is created by hydraulic scissors that raise a truck bed more than ten feet off the ground, at varying angles. Latinos' cars are unique self-expressions and urban art. The low-rider represents the Latino ability to appropriate and redefine American standards. Very few walls are left untouched in East Los Angeles. From graffiti to store signs to murals, public walls are also a place for cultural expres- sion for cholos (gang members), political groups, and shop owners. Garage doors, fences, sidewalks, building walls, benches, buses, and, recently, freeway signs are all targets of person- al expression, which aim to violate the order of place and the purity of blankness. Graffiti is the most abundant form of visual communication in East LA. Most residents do not like graffiti and are constantly painting over it, but it is a visual reality of the barrio. Graph- ics and symbols are also important communica- tion tools, especially for shop owners who use both pictures and words to advertise their busi- nesses. A large pig's head or jersey cow indi- cates a carniceria (butcher shop). Cornucopias indicate vegetable and fruit stands. The flam- boyant graphics and words give store facades a kinetic look. Murals are a form of political, religious and whimsi- cal advertisement in the barrio, expressing various val- ues. Murals of Our Lady of Guadalupe are popular because she is the patron saint of Mexico. Many of the murals from the 1970s express social ideologies, for example, "Chicano Power." However, the whimsical murals that shop owners commission to advertise their business are the most common type. Murals, which offer residents an inexpensive and quick way to personalize space, make marginal urban spaces habitable, and can be appreciated by passers- by in cars and on foot. Most are painted on the large, expansive walls of the sides of buildings-the typical target for graffiti. The murals may not deter graffiti, but they prevent it from dominating the space. More- over, local youths are often employed to create this form of public art. By livening up the area, the residents of East LA wrap commercial activity into 33 33 VOL XXVIII, No4 JAN/IFEB1995URBAN REPORT otherwise forgotten spaces, transforming them into important areas where street vendors sell their wares, and lending cultural value to these otherwise nonde- script buildings. But perhaps nowhere else in the urban landscape of East LA is the Mexican use of space so evident and celebrated than in the enclosed front yard. As Mexi- can immigrants settle into their new homes, the front yard becomes a place of personal expression; hence, a new interpretation of the traditional American front yard emerges, one that is reflective of Mexican cultur- al values. Depending on the needs of the owners, the use and design of the front yard will vary from elabo- Few walls are left untouched in the barrio. Shop owners use murals advertise their business. rate courtyards reminiscent of Mexico to essential junkyards. Like most U.S. suburban homes, East LA homes are sited at the middle of the lot. However, the per- sonalization of the front yards and their enclosing fences make the expanse of land that surrounds each home distinctive. Enclosed front yards are so domi- nant that they have altered not only the general char- acter of the neighborhood, but the residents' behav- ior patterns as well. The continuous, green park setting that symbolizes the typical American front lawn has been cut up into individual slices in the barrio, allowing for individual expression and social interaction. Fences enclose many front yards across the United States, but while most Americans regard them as hos- tile or exclusionary, as a barrier against the world, for Latinos, fences provide a catalyst for bringing neigh- bors and pedestrians together. Edges, borders and boundaries are dynamic places where people con- verge. By creating an edge for residents to lean on and congregate, fences break down social and physical barriers. The psychological barrier that the front lawn creates in most U.S. suburbs does not exist in barrios. In Spanish, there is a saying, "Through respect there can be peace." Respect for the individuality of each resident is reinforced by the use of the fences, which clearly delineate property ownership. There- fore, residents can personalize their front yards with- out physically interfering with the spaces and lives of their neighbors. The use of fences in the front yard modifies the approach to the home and moves the threshold from the front door to the front gate. The enclosed front yard defines an area that bridges the public and private spaces of the home, acting as a large foyer and becoming an active part of the household. When entering the front yard through the gate bordering the sidewalk, visi- tors feel as if they have entered the home. For residents and pedestrians, it is perfectly acceptable to have conversations at the front gate and not be invited into the home. The homes in East LA may have been built by non-Latinos, but they have evolved into a vernacular form because residents have altered them to suit their needs. Houses are personalized with every change, no matter how small, because each has meaning and purpose. East LA residential vernacular repre- sents the struggles, triumphs, as well as the everyday habits and beliefs of working-class Latinos. The vernacular offers cultural, eco- to nomic and regional solutions to the residents' need for familiarity in their environment. The beauty of the vernacular cannot be measured by architectural standards, but by life experiences, which are ambiguous. The vernacular represents indi- viduals' manipulation, adaptation, and appropriation of their environment. One must understand the differences and similari- ties in Mexican and American values toward the home and the urban landscape in order to comprehend and appreciate the unique combination of the two approaches. A bastard of architectural vocabularies, Latino homes and barrios create a new language that borrows from both Mexican and American syntaxes. Latinos bring a new perspective to the U.S. suburb in California and the Southwest through their appro- priation and redesign of the environment. Their origi- nal perspective fuses Latin American social values with U.S. suburban form, and can offer solutions for rethinking the urban form. This fusion of culture and form illustrates the positive evolution of the suburb- which has historically been an agent of segregation and homogeneity, intolerant of ethnic and cultural r differences-into a place that can support and even nurture minority cultures.
