On April 14, Miguel Krassnoff—former army general of the National Intelligence Directorate (Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional, DINA)—was once again convicted for human rights violations stemming from his role during the Pinochet dictatorship. Weeks later, on April 28, new revelations presented more charges against Krassnoff, who is already facing over 1,000 years in prison. He was implicated in the kidnapping of five members of the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Left Movement, MIR) in 1975. The MIR, the strongest militant group that opposed the Pinochet dictatorship, quickly became the central targets of the regime’s operations. The dictatorship’s persecution included the murder of its leader Miguel Enriquez in 1974—orchestrated by a unit under Krassnoff’s command.
Evidence in the case indicates that the five members of the MIR were kidnapped by the military. They were then transported to concentration camps where they were tortured. Victims suffered from cigarette burns, electric shocks and psychological punishment in front of their family members. Later, they were forcefully disappeared. Although Chile has been considerably strong in prosecuting dictatorship-era generals, the case against Krassnoff is noteworthy, especially given the wider political context.
The new charges bring Chilean society to a crossroads once more. A country proud of its efforts to preserve historical memory is tasked with a new trial against one of its most violent army generals at the same time as president José Antionio Kast, a supporter of extending the Pinochet dictatorship in 1988, threatens the future of memory projects. While Kast has been silent on the Krassnoff case, he recently shared that he is open to pardoning people on a case by case basis, including those who committed human rights violations. This indirectly opens the door for former military generals to be released or be transferred out of common prisons.
Krassnoff and the Pinochet Past
Over of 40,000 people were tortured, disappeared, detained or executed under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, and more than 3,000 were killed or disappeared. The regime, which came to power in a U.S.-backed coup against democratically-elected leader Salvador Allende, lasted from 1973 to 1990.
Miguel Krassnoff Marchenko, known as “El Ruso,” became one of Pinochet’s right-hand men. Born in current day Austria, he and his mother fled to Chile after his father’s prosecution for his role with the White Army, which fought the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. After joining the military in Chile, Krassnoff was sent to the infamous School of the Americas, where the majority of future Latin American army generals would learn “counter-insurgency” tactics.
After joining the military in Chile, Krassnoff was sent to the infamous School of the Americas, where the majority of future Latin American army generals would learn “counter-insurgency” tactics.
After overthrowing President Allende in 1973, many of these same generals were tasked with detaining, torturing and disappearing anyone who opposed the military junta or people labeled as “leftists.” Krassnoff later became a senior member of the Metropolitan Intelligence Brigade (Brigada de Inteligencia Metropolitana, BMI), a subgroup of the DINA accused of human rights violations at Villa Grimaldi. Located in Peñalolén, a commune of the capital Santiago, Villa Grimaldi was the largest concentration camp during the dictatorship. Today, it serves as a memory site, providing a space of remembrance. Survivors of this camp have also been crucial in identifying Krassnoff and others who participated in these heinous crimes.
In 2006, 16 years after the end of the dictatorship, Krassnoff—along with other generals associated with the DINA—were finally taken into custody under orders issued by the Chilean Supreme Court, a huge win for human rights activists. 20 years later, as more information has been uncovered, activists have pressured the country to follow through on their commitment to sentence members of the dictatorship. This push has resulted in the new indictment against Krassnoff.
The Kast Family
Chileans’ commitment to historical memory has recently been put to the test. Recently-elected far-right President Jose Antonio Kast has supported and aided those who committed acts of violence under the Pinochet regime.
One of the most well known facts about President Kast is his family history. His father, Michael Kast Schindele, a disgraced Nazi general, arrived in Chile after World War II. Entering the country under a false name, he was able to escape prosecution in Germany and establish a life in the outskirts of Santiago. José’s brother, Miguel Kast was one of the “Chicago Boys,” a group of Chilean economists during the 1980s that destroyed the country through neoliberal reforms.
President Kast’s support for Pinochet is not—and never has been—a secret.
The Kast family played a major role in the atrocities committed in Paine, a city that sits just 40 kilometers south of Santiago. In 1973, the dictatorship murdered or disappeared 70 leftist working-class citizens in the town, an event whose legacy is carried forward today by the Paine Memorial. The memorial lives on as a symbol of power and serves as an act of memory for the community of Paine.
President Kast’s support for Pinochet is not—and never has been—a secret. Besides pledging his support for the continuation of Augusto Pinochet’s rule, Kast has also openly said that if Pinochet lived today “he would have voted for [him].” In addition, in his inauguration, the president opted to wear a sash with the coat of arms, a symbol so associated with the dictatorship that most previous leaders have avoided it—though Kast wore it proudly.
While the admiration for Pinochet is clearly visible, Kast has also often displayed it in more subtle ways by questioning established historical narratives. On one occasion, he downplayed the violence the dictatorship perpetuated, saying that “beyond the convictions, both military and civilians deserve justice.” Comparing the trials of generals to those of regular civilians minimizes the level of atrocities that the military committed and normalizes the violation of human rights. As the new Krassnoff trial takes shape, Kast’s friendliness with Krassnoff is also something to monitor.
Building Solidarity
Krassnoff, who is now 80 years old and currently imprisoned in Punta Pueco is already serving a lengthy sentence. The new trial would merely add to this staggering sentence, but the charges themselves remain notable as, at one point, trials against military generals seemed unthinkable. The trial also opens up a box of recollections and flashbacks that were stored by Chileans in the past, allowing for the topics to be revisited.
For both the older and younger generation, this presents an interesting dynamic that can lead to cross-generation solidarity. Cases like Krassnoff’s enable for public discussion about the similarities and differences between Chile’s past and present to resurface. While older Chileans have experienced dictatorial repression and once lived everyday in fear, younger Chileans have still had to live with the consequences of the dictatorship. The 2019 estallido social (social uprising), a youth-led movement that encountered severe state repression, was eventually channeled into the struggle for a new constitution to replace that of the Pinochet era, which was—and still is—on the books.
Waging War on Memory
A law professor who preferred to remain anonymous given his position in the university, stated that the country’s consensus on historical memory, a product of decades of struggle, is deeply uncertain at the moment, due to the new right-wing government’s priorities. He cited the recent firing of Paulina Zamorano Valenzuela, the Justice Minister of Human Rights, as an alarming sign of how Kast is shifting Chile’s participation in programs that are crucial for memory. Zamorano, who had been working for the government for 14 years, was in charge of multiple human rights programs throughout different presidencies. Her work and the subsequent initiatives were dismissed as lacking value by the Kast government.
Chile remains locked in an incredibly polarized environment.
This firing, which was not the government’s only move in this domain, goes hand in hand with its budget cuts to memory sites, depriving these places of funds that are necessary to sustain their viability. A glaring example is the recent shut down of a plan to construct a memory site at Colonia Dignidad. Originally initiated by the previous president Gabriel Boric, the Kast administration decided to reverse this project citing a lack of funding.
Chile remains locked in an incredibly polarized environment. Pinochet only lost the 1988 plebiscite by approximately 850,000 votes and there are still many that sympathize with him. However, mobilization and collective action continue to wage memory struggles to preserve the country’s past. The Krassnoff ordeal, and its outcome, will provide a window into the country’s future—will cultural memory work continue, or will the state stop it in its tracks? The current situation gives a glimmer of hope that people will not remain quiet.
Increased education about the importance of memory has propelled Chileans to reclaim their stories and share their experiences under the Pinochet dictatorship. Spaces like the Museo de Memoria y los Derechos Humanos and other sites of remembrance have been critical in keeping these discussions alive. As the Kast presidency takes shape, memory will play a central role in creating resistance against an increasingly prominent pro-dictatorship rhetoric.
Julián Padilla is a graduate student in the Latin American Studies department at UC San Diego. He is focused on memory and left-wing movements in the Southern Cone.