NACLA editors revisited decades of coverage and curated this selection of articles to help readers understand how Cuba’s current crisis has been years in the making.
The United States’ ongoing oil blockade has forced Cuba into a severe crisis. Rolling blackouts last up to 18 hours, transportation is all but paralyzed, university classes have been suspended or transferred online, and hospitals are conducting emergency operations only.
But Cuba’s current crisis has been long in the making. In a way, ever since 1991, the country has struggled to consolidate a sustainable economic model. The sudden loss of the Soviet Union’s support and the end of COMECON—the socialist bloc’s trading network—left Cuba adrift and exposed. The end of the Cold War might have led the United States to reconsider its punitive embargo. Instead, hardline exiles in the swing state of Florida and right-wing congressmen joined forces to entrench it.
Cuba’s economy stabilized somewhat by the mid-1990s with the rise of tourism and the sale of medical services abroad. But the so-called “Special Period” of the 1990s also saw the sharpening of social stratification and racial inequality. When Hugo Chávez was elected in Venezuela in 1998, his support eased Cuba’s economic woes significantly, until falling commodity prices and political conflict within Venezuela in the late 2010s diminished its impact.
Barack Obama’s reelection in 2012 seemed to signal a new period. In 2014, Obama and Raúl Castro jointly announced the restoration of diplomatic relations, and in 2016 Obama undertook the first U.S. presidential visit to the island in nearly a century. Obama’s rapprochement coincided with Castro’s efforts to implement economic and, to a much lesser extent, political reforms on the island. Tourism and remittances surged, and small, privately owned businesses proliferated. But ultimately, it was only a brief respite before retrenchment on both sides.
Donald Trump’s 2016 election led to the rollback of nearly all Obama’s engagement policies. Meanwhile, Castro’s widely anticipated reforms were not as extensive as many had hoped. One significant change, however, was the elimination of Cuba’s longstanding exit visa requirement in 2013. When Nicaragua lifted entry visa requirements for Cubans in 2021, the architecture for mass emigration fell into place: Cubans could fly to Nicaragua then travel overland to the southern U.S. border.
They did just that, in droves. After COVID obliterated tourism and Cuba’s clumsy currency unification triggered spiraling inflation, hundreds of thousands left the islands. From 2021 to 2023, perhaps 10 percent of Cuba’s population emigrated, more than half to the United States, with others heading to Latin America and Spain. Mass protests in July 2021 signaled how frustrated many Cubans had become with the hardships of everyday life. Trump’s recent oil blockade therefore caught Cuba at its most vulnerable point in decades.
Over the years, NACLA has covered these developments. Our editors revisited decades of coverage and curated this selection of articles to help readers understand how Cuba’s current crisis has been years in the making, and the roles the United States and Latin American countries have played in shaping it.
For a half-century the United States has maintained an economic embargo on Cuba with the express goal of overthrowing the country’s regime. Two main arguments have historically justified this measure.
The Associated Press’ story on the U.S.-backed Cuban Twitter program is only part of a long history of secret programs in Cuba and around the world. I have been filing FOIA requests on USAID for the past decade, to be met each time with minimal response, if at all.
U.S. sanctions and economic sabotage over the last half-century have caused significant damage to the Cuban economy. What does this mean for ongoing claims negotiations between the two countries?
With Cuba policy under the Trump administration still uncertain, Cuba solidarity activists seek to turn the tide against the embargo at the local and state level.
The United States must abandon Cold War-era foreign policies and accept that Cuba is a sovereign nation free to define its political future—even if that means continuing socialism.
As Cuba reels from the ongoing effects of Hurricane Ian, a Havana-based Cuban scholar explains how the U.S. blockade has hampered Cuba’s recovery from Hurricane Ian and fuels ongoing mass emigration.
The Third World, for me, was not a spatial marker, the omnibus name of underdeveloped countries of Africa, Asia, and the Americas. It was, rather, the name of a project, cultivated by the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements and its intellectuals from the 19th century into the 1940s.
With an impressive gathering of 33 heads of state in Caracas, including Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez front and center, they formalized the creation of CELAC and declared their intention to forge an authentically Latin American agenda under its auspices.
Closing its doors after over half a century of promoting internationalism from Havana, the Organization in Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America leaves a historical and artistic record of unprecedented Third World solidarity.
While Washington won’t be able to break apart Latin America’s “pink tide,” its new stance on Cuba is a test case for reasserting U.S. hegemony in the Western Hemisphere.
On the one-year anniversary of “D17,” the second of a two-part essay exploring what has and will constitute “normal relations” between the U.S. and Cuba.
In March 2016, President Barack Obama visited Cuba and Argentina, a historic trip for his Latin America policy. In this series, Ada Ferrer writes about how Obama’s recent visit to Cuba, particularly his presidential address in Havana, fueled a tentative hope for a new kind of U.S.-Cuba relations.
NACLA’s coverage and analysis of protests in Cuba looks at their evolving aftermath, and the wide-ranging responses they have elicited from left circles in the Americas and beyond.
Since the outbreak of the largest protests seen in nearly three decades, the Cuban government has tightened its grip on the economy, further reducing citizens’ freedoms.
Once marginalized from the Cuba policy debate, moderate and liberal Cuban Americans are taking their case to Washington at a a time when the struggle to define U.S. relations with the island is at its most contentious point.
An event at Florida International University provokes a backlash, stoking longstanding disputes between academia and the Cuban exile community in Florida.
After intense public debate the new Code was approved in a September referendum, placing sexual and gender politics at the center of the social and political fabric.