LEFT ESTABLISHES ITS PRESENCE IN GUATEMALAN ELECTIONS DECEMBER 4, 1995 Held amidst continuing insta- bility and an unresolved civil war, the November 1995 general elections in Guatemala did not bring sweeping changes to the country. However, the emergence of the left as a new political force could pave the way for future political openings. The contradictory results of these elections reflect the peculiar combination of the old and the new that characterizes Guatemala today. The strongest reminder that Guatemala's political system has not yet achieved widespread legitimacy was low voter turnout. Only 46.7% of registered voters cast ballots. If the 30% of eligible voters who never registered are taken into account, total voter participation drops to 33%. The electoral system is full of barri- ers-such as a limited registra- tion process, and the inaccessibil- ity of polling places-that seem designed to inhibit people from voting. On election day, the gov- ernment refused to provide free transportation to the polls, despite nearly $2 million in international funds designated for that purpose, giving a definite edge to traditional parties with resources. These systematic problems, as well as the continu- ing climate of army violence and intimidation, were more preva- lent than open fraud, although the vote count was marred by an "inexplicable" power outage at the height of the counting. At the presidential level, in a field of 19 candidates, none won an absolute majority. By Guatemalan law, this requires a January, 1996 runoff between the two leading candidates: Alvaro Arzdi of the conservative but "modernizing" National Ad- vancement Party (PAN), and Alfonso Portillo, a stand-in for ex-dictator Efrain Rios Montt who was legally barred from run- ning. Arzd led with a comfortable margin of 36.6% over Portillo's 22%. His victory in the second round, however, is not assured, given the possibilities for deals between Rios Montt's forces and other traditional parties. Such deal-making reflects business as usual in the old, discredited way. The major surprise was the emergence, for the first time in 40 years, of a new left-of-center opposition force, the New Guatemala Democratic Front (FDNG). The FDNG was found- ed only four months prior to the elections, and has been the object of accusations of links to the guerrilla movement and other forms of intimidation. Despite its lack of electoral experience and resources, the FDNG won 7.7% of the presidential vote. In addition, it took six of the 80 Congress- ional seats, becoming the third strongest political party in Con- gress. The presence of Maya lead- ers and members within its ranks distinguishes the FDNG from tra- ditional political parties. The party has also forged an alliance with the indigenous civic com- mittees, several of which won important mayoralties, including Xelajd (Quetzaltenango). Now the FDNG faces the challenge of participating in electoral politics without becoming part of a dis- credited political system or neglecting its grassroots base. The other novelty of the 1995 election was the appeal by the Guatemalan National Revolu- tionary Unity (URNG) urging people to vote, in contrast to its previous stance of boycotting elections. In addition, in August, the URNG guerrillas agreed to suspend military actions during the last two weeks of the electoral campaign in exchange for a com- mitment by the major political parties to continue peace negotia- tions under a new government and honor the accords already signed. The real test of the election and the real key to democracy and development in Guatemala will be the willingness of the new government and the traditional centers of power-i.e., the army and the private sector-to negoti- ate substantive agreements to end the 35-year civil war and demili- tarize the country. -- Susanne Jonas ALTERNATIVE BROADCAST MEDIA MEET IN ECUADOR QUITO, DECEMBER 6, 1995 Over 500 community radio and television producers, journalists, activists, students and scholars met at the International Center for Communication Studies of Latin America (CIES- PAL) in Quito between Nov- ember 20-24 to participate in the Festival of Latin American Community Radio and Television. The conference sought to bring together members of the alterna- tive media to share their experi- ences and to strategize about how to meet current challenges. It was organized by eight regional com- munications networks, including the Latin American Radio Edu- cation Association (ALER) and the World Association of Com- munity Radio Broadcasters (AMARC). Participants brought a wide range of media experience to the gathering, from tiny rural stations to hip urban broadcasters. They shared, however, the belief that community radio and television should be participatory and Vol XXIX, No 4 JAN/FEB 19961 1 Vol XXIX, No 4 JAN/FEB 1996NEWSBRIEFS reflect the needs and voices of the communities they serve, including women, youth, poor urban and rural communities, and indigenous peoples. Participants discussed how alternative media need to find new forms of self-financing to stay afloat in a free-market era dominated by corporate media. The conference also became a forum for a broader discussion of how to promote social justice and grassroots empowerment. Some favored confrontational tactics, while others stressed the need for dialogue and compromise. Practical nuts-and-bolts issues were prominent. Participants talked about the need for legisla- tion to protect low-power, non- commercial community stations. They debated whether to separate out programming in indigenous languages, or interweave it with regular programming. The issue of how to increase women's pres- ence in decision-making posi- tions was also discussed. Finally, they conferred about which new technologies they should try to use despite their high costs. The radio and television festi- val competition winners high- lighted playful and innovative approaches to exploring varied social themes. For example, a fast-paced video documentary from Chile alternated dramatic shots of comic-book characters and stories, written by youth for a local competition, with music and short interviews of youth talking about their visions, fears and hopes for the future. -Diana Agosta HURDLES REMAIN IN MEXICAN PEACE TALKS SAN CRISTOBAL DE LAS CASAS, CHIAPAS, NOVEMBER 30, 1995 The most recent rounds of negotiations between the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) and the Mexican government have zig-zagged between moments of hope, sparked by apparent progress, and frustration, as the govern- ment backtracked on its previous commitments. Rebel and government dele- gates concluded the eighth round of negotiations in mid-October in Chiapas on an upbeat note. The two sides-joined by over 300 members of indigenous and pop- ular organizations across the country who were invited to attend-seemed to have ham- mered out the basis for a lasting accord on indigenous rights. The resulting documents included several Zapatista demands con- cerning autonomy, land rights and social justice. The auspicious mood, howev- er, was dampened just days later, when the government captured EZLN leader Fernando Yafiez. The rebels agreed to reinitiate talks only after the government freed Yafiez under the March amnesty-law provisions. In this tense climate, talks were reinitiated in mid-November. The October proposals were supposed to have been transformed into a binding accord in this round of negotiations. However, the talks produced little in terms of con- crete results. Zapatista rebels accused the government of attempting to minimize agree- ments laid out in the previous round of negotiations. Gov- ernment officials reportedly tried to withdraw the term "autonomy" from the documents and to reduce rebel demands to details over social spending and minor adjustments to Mexico's political system. The gap between rhetoric and reality was highlighted by events surrounding the talks. A dozen peo- ple died in violent clashes over land disputes in November, and Mexican army troops moved deep- er into the jungle and closer to Zapatista troops. In Nichtel, in southeast Chiapas, security forces detained 65 villagers, beating an elderly man to death after he failed to respond to the army's orders. The commands were issued in Spanish, a language the man did not understand. Zapatista spokesperson Cecilia Rodriguez, former director of the New York-based Funding Ex- change, denounced her rape and robbery by three men, presumably soldiers, at Montebello Lakes in southern Chiapas on October 26. "I am another victim of the brutal, low-intensity warfare currently being carried out in Chiapas," she said. Over 50 women have been raped since the conflict began two years ago. Despite the ongoing tensions, rebels have agreed to another round of talks which is scheduled to begin on January 10, 1996. In the meantime, Zapatista leaders continue to promote a national dia- logue amongst opposition forces. -- Michael McCaughan Sources Susanne Jonas teaches Latin American and Latino studies at the University of California at Santa Cruz. Her most recent book is The Battle for Guatemala (Westview Press, 1991). Diana Agosta is a doctoral candidate in anthropology at the City University of New York (CUNY), and works in commu- nity television. Michael McCaughan is a NACLA corre- spondent based in Chiapas.
