Contested Terrain: The U.S.-Mexico Borderlands

The U.S.-Mexico borderlands—the territory running about 30 miles along either side of the 2,000-mile line stretching from Tijuana/San Diego on the Pacific coast to Matamoros/Brownsville on the Gulf of Mexico—run through four U.S. and six Mexican states, areas of forbidding desert and urban sprawl, a wide variety of unique cultural landscapes, and the fastest-growing industrial belt in Mexico. As we explore in this Report, the borderlands are at the core of the "deepening contradictions of economic integration," and some observers—Mexican writer Carlos Monsiváis among them—claim that they belong more to the domain of global "savage" capitalism than to either country.

November/December
1999
Volume: 
33
Number: 
3

Taking Note

Jo-Marie Burt
The Strongman Solution "I f there is such a thing as a good coup, this one is win- ning raves in the bazaars of Rawalpindi." So read the first para- graph of a front-page story in The New York Times just a few days after the October 12 military coup in Pakistan, led by army chief Gen.

Intro

NACLA
The U.S.-Mexico borderlands—the territory running about 30 miles along either side of the 2,000-mile line stretching from Tijuana/San Diego on the Pacific coast to Matamoros/Brownsville on the Gulf of Mexico—run through four U.S. and six Mexican states, areas of forbidding desert and urban sprawl, a wide variety of unique cultural landscapes, and the fastest-growing industrial belt in Mexico.

Open Forum

Frank Smyth
Carlos Castaño is not a name that comes up much in the debate over whether to escalate U.S. drug-war aid to Colombia. But U.S. policy-makers and politicians should be mindful of the alliances that he and other rightist paramilitaries have made with Colombia's drug syndicates, including the ones that are now ascendant after the mid-1990s decapitation of the once-powerful Cali cartel.

Updates

Catherine Orenstein
Haiti's Parliament building stands empty, except for a few deputies off in a side room who recline in their armchairs, feet upon their desks, smoking. Across the street in the Senate offices, a secretary types up what I'm told are minutes from one of last year's sessions.
John Lindsay-Poland
On the eve of the transfer of the Panama Canal, U.S. conservatives are invoking the specter of imminent chaos in Latin America in an effort to maintain U.S. control over the Panamanian isthmus. Spillover from the conflict in Colombia and mainland China's commercial investment in the canal area are both being touted as justifications for a continued U.S. military presence in Panama. While the transfer of the canal and military bases by December 31 as mandated by the 1977 Torrijos-Carter Treaties is virtually unstoppable, the conservative claims are positioning future administrations to seek greater U.S. control over the isthmus.

Report

Peter Andreas
The escalating U.S. immigration-control campaign along the southwest border offers a striking contrast to the rhetoric and practice of U.S.-Mexican economic integration. The trend, it seems, is toward increasingly restrictive controls over unauthorized immigrant labor flows in the context of a general loosening of controls over cross-border economic activity.
Pablo Vila
The image of the "border crosser" dominates much of recent border studies and theory. As highlighted in works of such renowned writers as Gloria Anzaldúa, Héctor Calderón, Renato Rosaldo, D. Emily Hick and José David Saldívar, the border crosser is someone who is "at home" on the border, who comfortably straddles the two worlds in which he or she exists and who is therefore completely bilingual, and who celebrates international immigration.
Victor Zúñiga
Though research on the U.S.-Mexico border has a short history, the history of cultural studies of the border is even shorter. Despite its young age, border culture studies has emerged as a passionate field of study. In its short existence it has passed through at least five stages, which I would like to sketch here.
David Spener
The majority of undocumented Mexican migrants enter the United States for the first time with the assistance of a paid guide known commonly as a coyote. Portrayed by the Border Patrol, human rights organizations and the press as hardened criminals, coyotes seldom get to tell their side of the story.
Lori Saldaña
On a typical Saturday morning in the United States, millions of people will be relaxing at home, watching television or perhaps surfing the Internet on their personal computers. In Tijuana, Mexico, however, it is just another workday. In this city of over a million people, located in the state of Baja California across the border from San Diego, California, thousands of employees who hold jobs in facilities known as maquiladoras report to work six days a week.
Debbie Nathan
By now, the murdered women of Ciudad Juárez are such an old story that the locals hardly pay attention anymore. The news remains fresh only to the victims' families, and to out-of-town journalists who still fly into the Texas city of El Paso to cover the carnage just across the international line.

Reviews

Barbara Fischkin
"The border," comment the editors in their introduction to The U.S.-Mexico Border, "now represents a global crossroads in which the forces of world historical change" make themselves known in people's "lives and ways of life." The word "represents" is key here.

In Brief

Alejandro Reuss
SANTIAGO—It has not been a banner year for Chile's former military tyrants. October 16, 1998, saw the arrest in London of their maximum leader, the ex-dictator and Senator-for-life Augusto Pinochet, on charges, originating in Spain, of torture and genocide.