The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation Edited by Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester and Monique Zegarra. Oxford University Press, 1997, 662 pp., $85 (cloth), $24.95 (paper). The New Politics of Inequality is an edited collection of 20 highly topical case studies of social and political movements in nine countries of continental Latin America (not the Caribbean, and with a nod to Spain in one chapter). Recognizing the broad similarities in the different countries' social and economic poli- cies, and without pretending to be comprehensive, the case studies pre- sent both breadth and concrete detail across a range of political initiatives, especially from the "popular sectors." The book also includes an introduc- tion by Carlos Vilas and a conclusion by Douglas Chalmers, Scott Martin and Kerianne Piester that draw out some of the implications of the cases examined in the volume. The underlying theme of this vol- ume is the question of the compati- bility between electoral democracy and enhanced party competition at the political level and the move toward free-market reforms and cuts in social programs in the economic arena. While the region's policy makers see free economic initiative as the necessary underpinning of political freedom, many left critics argue that huge increases in poverty and inequality impede the full exer- cise of citizenship. Others believe that political and economic restruc- turing create an opening for a new kind of political practice by the pop- ular sectors within civil society. Representatives of both the second and third view are present in The New Politics of Inequality, although sometimes at cross purposes. Several of the essays examine the way neoliberalism has undermined traditional structures of representa- tion such as populist parties and trade unions, and the way social and polit- ical actors have adapted by shifting their practices and demands. Leftist political parties have formulated economic programs which do not demand state intervention and redis- tribution (as Kenneth Roberts and Eric Hershberg show for the Peruvian and Chilean left), and focus on expanding popular participation at the local level (Peter Winn and Lilia Ferro-Cl6rico on Uruguay and William Nylen on Brazil). Unions in Argentina (M. Victoria Murillo) and Brazil (Scott B. Martin) cut loose from state regulatory support, accommodate to capital and some- times get concessions in return. As these old structures become weaker, new ones have emerged around specific issues, notably the environment (Kathryn Hochstetler on Brazil), indigenous rights (Melina Selverston on Ecuador), and poverty alleviation (Monique Segarra on Ecuador, Kerianne Piester and Jonathan Fox on Mexico). The authors examine new social move- ments, nongovernmental organiza- tions (NGOs), associative networks and civil society. While these phe- nomena differ from each other as models of political practice, they have important common features which are said to give them advan- tages over the old forms-they are local and decentralized, they encour- age direct participation, and, by rec- ognizing diverse bases of association in preference to a dichotomizing class model of society, they promote gradual rather than revolutionary approaches to social and political problems. Despite macroeconomic growth, most of Latin America's middle and working classes have taken a beat- ing, as the income gap has widened and poverty has reached crisis levels. It is not clear that as old forms of collective action wane, these new forms can fill the gap. Uruguay, where popular sectors have suffered least (according to Fernando Filgueira and Jorge Papad6pulos), is ironically also the country where the old structures of representation remain most vigorous. Elsewhere, the new structures create a lot of activity, but their tangible gains are few. Several essays discuss the per- ceived failures of the older forms, but the newer forms do not come under the same scrutiny. The authors do not always recognize that organi- zations such as NGOs often function more as mediators between the pop- ular sectors and the state than as actual expressions of the popular sec- tors themselves. Staffed by profes- sionals, and often created at the behest of international lenders and donors, they may wind up benefitting the constituent organizations more than the poor who bear the brunt of economic liberalization. Both the traditional and the newer organizations are mainly working for incremental change. With the exhaustion of the revolutionary option, the prospects for real advances toward greater representa- tion and social justice in Latin America today do not inspire optimism. This is where a short sec- tion of the volume on "the stubborn- ness of violence" stands out. In case studies of Guatemala (Deborah Yashar), Brazil (Paulo Sdrgio Pinheiro) and Peru (Jo-Marie Burt), authors examine the violence of everyday life and the fragmenta- tion wrought by decades of repres- sion, violence and economic liberalization. These studies nevertheless pro- vide a useful and up-to-date view of present activities and possible future directions. They are generally of high quality, both conceptually and empirically. Most are written in accessible language, and their very diversity-in topics, countries and points of view-make this volume a worthwhile addition to survey courses on contemporary Latin American politics.
